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3 reasons why DAP is alive and kicking despite the odds
#1
[Image: DAP-Congress-DAP-FB-pic-071220.jpg]

From Lim Teck Ghee

Three factors have made the DAP’s fight to gain a larger political following and recognition of its multi-racial credentials – despite its primarily Chinese leadership – more daunting.

The first is the widespread perception among many in the Malay electorate that it is indeed a Chinese chauvinist party. Ever since its formation, it has been tarred by Umno leaders as well as Umno supporters manning the Malay mass media and other organs of Malay influence with the accusation that it is an enemy of the Malay race.


The DAP until today is regularly vilified in the Malay world as the mastermind behind any controversy that is construed as undermining the dignity of the Malay race, Islamic religion as well as disrespectful of king and country.

The second is the failure of the country’s opposition parties and their leaders to stay the course of resistance against the Umno-led Barisan Nasional (BN) political juggernaut during the past four decades. In reshaping the country’s politics after the May 1969 episode and to make more palatable the reality of a Malay-dominant national polity, second prime minister Razak Hussein was able to induce several former opposition parties including Gerakan, PPP, PAS, and several former opposition parties in East Malaysia to join the enlarged Alliance, which was renamed Barisan Nasional (BN).


In the aftermath of the 1974 election, it was initially the DAP and the Sarawak Nasional Party (SNAP) in East Malaysia which kept alive the flame of political opposition in Parliament. Dr Tan Chee Koon, from the newly set up Parti Keadilan Masyarakat Malaysia or Pekemas, was the sole other opposition member elected to the 1974 Parliament, which saw BN winning a more than two thirds parliamentary majority – 135 of the 154 seats contested.

This majority enabled the governing party to introduce more amendments to the constitution on several occasions thereby strengthening the executive powers of Umno and BN governing parties, and further diluting the democratic spirit of the original constitutional document.


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#2
Democracy alive due to DAP but party has lost support

[Image: Lim-Kit-Siang-and-Karpal-Singh.jpg]

From Lim Teck Ghee

In a speech on the occasion of the launching ceremony of the book Lost in Transition: Malaysia Under Abdullah on April 3, 2008, I told the audience the following:

“I want to end with an important point in this analysis of what is possibly a turning point in politics in the country. Much has been written about the political leadership role of Anwar (Ibrahim) in this election – how he has played a key part in bringing DAP, PAS and PKR together to challenge the political hegemony of BN and Umno and galvanising the electoral vote for the opposition. This is true, and an important part of how future political events will unfold will depend on Anwar’s leadership. However, as a scholar looking at the longer-term ebb and flow of politics in the country – at this moment when many are celebrating a breakthrough in our political system – I wish to pay tribute to Lim Kit Siang who has been an indomitable fighter for democracy, justice and good governance.”

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#3
Can the DAP recover?
[Image: DAP-Flag-Bendera-FB.jpg]

By Lim Teck Ghee

A key reason for the loss in popular support for the DAP is due to its position in a stuttering fragile coalition which underperformed on many fronts. But much of the damage has been self-inflicted.

Wrongly reading the political mood of the country or perhaps hoping to divert public opinion from its lacklustre post-election performance, the incessant targeting of former prime minister Najib Razak and the endless playing of the “kleptocracy” record has become a disaster.


No party will be able to hold on to power for any length of time simply by pointing out the sins and misdeeds of the opposition and repeating the same refrain ad infinitum.

It is what the party itself does in the way of fulfilling election promises and meeting the expectations of the electorate through improvements in the major areas of public concern that can provide the winning edge in the coming election.

In meeting expectations, the DAP should not have to surrender its centre left credentials or move away from an ideology embracing social democracy, liberalism, democratic socialism, localism and green politics.

Other countries, including some Islamic nations, are finding that repulsing the right-wing and conservative forces and coping with the new challenges of rapid socio-economic and environmental change and disruption requires not a change in political direction but the breathing in of renewed idealism and new leadership into the moderate position promoting social justice and equality.

This is the optimistic scenario for Malaysia.

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#4
DAP and a multiracial Malaysia – a response to Lim Teck Ghee

[Image: DAP-Flag-Bendera-FB.jpg]

From M Ali

I am gratified that in Part 2, Lim Teck Ghee, does acknowledge the presence of the other political parties and leaders in post-Merdeka politics in Peninsular Malaysia such as the late Dr Tan Chee Koon.

The political parties that really believed in a multiracial Malaysia, were parties such as Pekemas. There were also others such as Parti Rakyat Malaysia and the Labour Party that formed the Socialist Front in the 1960s.


In fact, the late V David, who stood for the Labour Party, narrowly lost to CV Devan Nair, the founder of DAP, in Bangsar, by about 500 votes, in the 1964 Malaysian general elections.

David was later to become the DAP MP for Damansara and Puchong.

They were smaller and did not make much headway in the mainstream and DAP, in its own selfish interest, neither assisted these parties nor formed electoral alliances with them for fear of being overshadowed by these parties, at that stage.

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