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Outcome of Sarawak election could have been different – Stephen Then
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[Image: 20211213_gabungan_parti_sarawak_flag_bernama_pic.jpg]

IT has been eight days since the conclusion of the 12th Sarawak state election that saw the ruling Gabungan Parti Sarawak’s (GPS) return to power by winning 76 of the 82 state constituencies in this vast state.

The last column I wrote around this time was whether the manner in which GPS won the state polls will see Sarawak going forward in a better or worse direction.

I was hoping that politics would take a back seat after that, until a few days ago when a foreign-based political analyst called up.

This person was very keen on the outcome of the election and how GPS achieved a landslide victory, but he had read reports that the election was not conducted in a regular democratic way, that there was no level playing field, that even before the election proper, the ruling regime had bent the scales in its favour.

It is a usual practice for foreign agencies to show keen interest in local political events in Sarawak.

In past state and general elections, I had personally met with foreign writers, political analysts, business and industry observers who came to Sarawak and spent time talking to local reporters, politicians from opposing political divides, community leaders, business people and NGOs.

The latest state election did not see any of them, probably because of Covid-19 restrictions, but they still kept in touch via phone and social media.

The chat I had with the analyst last week rekindled my urge to comment on the things that took place during the recent state election.

I will summarise the points raised in the chat, which all pointed to the possibility of a different outcome in the state polls:

1. If those in the Undi18 and automatic voters group were able to vote.
2. If the opposition parties of DAP, Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB), PKR, Parti Bumi Kenyalang and Aspirasi had cooperated or formed an alliance to fight GPS.
3. If GPS did not use enticement by allegedly handing out cash, cheques, and promises of project allocations to longhouses, the urban poor, community groups, and religious institutions.

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