KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 25 — Malaysia is not in any economic or health crisis that would justify invoking “emergency” powers, said Datuk Seri Shamsul Iskandar Mohd Akin.

Rejecting the Perikatan Nasional government’s attempts to variously paint the country as in an “economic emergency” or “health emergency”, the PKR information chief said the only crisis of note was the weakness of the federal administration.

“No matter what the PN administration tries to call their proposal, the fact is there is no emergency.

“Instead, the country is only threatened by incompetence of the PN administration, especially in its handling of the Covid-19 pandemic. How could Malaysians accept Azmin Ali’s call to unite behind such a weak government?” Shamsul Iskandar said in a statement today.


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Azmin Ali is the man who provoked the present political crisis in Malaysia. He had not expected PH to win GE14 and had long since developed his ties with PAS and UMNO with a view to outmanoeuvring his party boss to the top job. He profited from Anwar’s absence in jail to take the Selangor post.

Events forced him into second place however, and so throughout the PH government he sought to destabilise the situation by playing up divisions and undermining the transition agreement that by-passed his personal ambitions.

Instead of supporting the rightful and agreed succession of his own political boss and majority party he criticised it and called it ‘over-ambitious’ (we always criticise others of our own worst sins). Anwar behaved perfectly reasonably and with patience and decorum, yet Azmin shouted constantly that to expect to eventually succeed as was agreed was somehow not acceptable. He created confusion and discord on the matter. It was himself he wanted to succeed.

His clutch of MP supporters and grateful NGOs (his earlier hijacking of Selangor had given him opportunity to be ‘generous’) chorused his calls for ‘loyalty’ to Dr Mahathir, which was of course a nonsense bluff. He meanwhile worked also on the arrogance and ambitions of the minority party Bersatu MPs who had enjoyed the benefits of Mahathir’s leadership and did not want to pass into the shade under PKR.

Above all, he embraced outright treachery. Perhaps his anger at the circulation of a gay sex video purporting to be himself sharpened his vengeance, but probably not. He had been holidaying with leaders from the other side just weeks following the election.

Likewise, Azmin had informed his client Sarawak MPs that they were to be at the forefront of his plot to take over PKR from the first day of the PH government. They boasted to far too many that they were already ‘Azmin’s men’, ready for proud positions in an Azmin leadership of PH. It was never to be. Their role was merely to destabilise and undermine PH as Azmin and fellow plotter Moo took their team of remaining suckers straight over to join PAS, Taib, Najib and UMNO, thereby overthrowing all the proud efforts for reform that they had championed and were elected to support.

As for loyalty to Dr M? He got thrown right under the first passing bus. All this happened during the eruption of the Covid pandemic, which the conspirators disgracefully ignored until it became clear the pandemic provided an opportunity to cover up the fact that far less rebels had been willing to support Azmin and ‘PM8′ than they had anticipated. Yet now he who conspired despite Covid lambasts others for conspiring back during Covid.

Covid Crackdown provided welcome cover for many months of minority and illegal rule. But now the game is up. The rebel duo have realised they cannot pass their budget in a Parliament where they still have not the numbers.

At which point Azmin seeks to stamp his foot and complain that others are being rebellious; that others seek to destabilise his ‘legitimate’ government; that others are being selfish over Covid; that others are ‘pathologically’ motivated in considering themselves ‘entitled’ to lead (by virtue of leading the largest coalition group) instead of him and Moo, who have no majority.

One would expect no less of Azmin. As a woman called out on the night of his victory party of the coup “You have all worked so hard, you deserve this so much”. Azmin has worked and schemed for months and years to knife all around him to get to be the man behind the Moo.
Of course, he would stoop to such hypocrisy and of course he would stoop to descend his country into a bogus emergency in order to seize authoritarian powers. Those who once were taken in, should best forget they ever supported Azmin as a ‘reformist’ leader for PKR.

All can see him now for what he is, none other than “a power crazy individual driven by selfish and egotistical motives with a pathological sense of entitlement.. who has resorted to outright lies as well as subterfuge not only as against the nation but even as against His Majesty the YDPA” in pretending he had a large body of supporters in his party to give him a majority he never had.


Source: Sarawak Report

PETALING JAYA: A senior MP has suggested that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong obtain the opinion of the Federal Court on whether the constitution allows for a proclamation of a state of emergency and suspension of Parliament to enable the prime minister to resolve his political problems.

The suggestion came from DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang, who is Iskandar Puteri MP. However, he did not elaborate on the matter.

Article 130 of the Federal Constitution states that the King may refer any question to the Federal Court for an opinion as to the effect of any provision of the constitution which has arisen or appears likely to arise.

Under the constitution, the King may declare a state of emergency if he is satisfied “that a grave emergency exists whereby the security, or the economic life, or public order in the Federation or any part thereof is threatened”.


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PETALING JAYA: Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah has urged the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Malay Rulers not to entertain any request from Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin for a declaration of a state of emergency.

Such a request would be “an illegitimate request and based on flimsy excuses”, he said today.

Tengku Razaleigh, the longest-serving member of the Dewan Rakyat, also described Muhyiddin as no longer having any legitimacy to be prime minister by having refused to submit himself to a vote of no confidence in the Dewan Rakyat.

“I also have information to suggest that the prime minister does not command a simple majority of the members of the Dewan Rakyat. Otherwise, why is he afraid to submit himself to a vote of no confidence?” he said.


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By Tommy Thomas - the former attorney-general



I have since March scrupulously adhered to the convention that it is not proper for a former public officer to comment on the merits or demerits of policies and decisions made by his successor.



But last night’s announcement that the prime minister requested the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to declare a national Emergency imposes a responsibility on me not to remain silent. Hence, with a heavy heart, I pen my thoughts on the legality of the proposed move.



A proclamation of Emergency under Article 150 of the Federal Constitution has tremendous negative consequences on the nation’s body politic and the exercise of freedoms and liberties by our citizens.



Hence, the reluctance to rush into it. The opprobrium attached to emergencies led the government in October 2011 to revoke four proclamations which had marred our national psyche. The prime minister was then deputy prime minister.





Because the ramifications of an emergency are massive, the constitution has placed many safeguards against its use. The most obvious and most frequent abuse occurs when the prime minister of the day feels threatened as to his security of tenure.



Hence, checks and balances are built into Article 150, which has 13 sub-articles within it. It is a comprehensive code, and is the starting point of any discussion.



Article 150(1) provides that if the Agong is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security or the economic life or public order in Malaysia is threatened, he may issue a proclamation of Emergency.



Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy, and the Agong acts on advice of the prime minister insofar as Article 150 is concerned.





Hence, the true decision maker is the prime minister, but the King has a residual discretion. In other words, it is not automatic that every time a prime minister desires a proclamation, the Agong must agree to it.



The Agong is entitled to seek the advice of the Conference of Rulers, or indeed anyone whose advice the Agong values.

But for Article 150(1) to come into play, the conditions in the country or the circumstances are such that:



(i) grave emergency exists;

(ii) whereby security;

(iii) economic life; or

(iv) public order;

(v) is threatened.



None of these terms are defined in the Constitution. Thus, they must be given their natural and ordinary meaning. Additionally, the draftsmen of the constitution placed an important safeguard: it is not any emergency, but one that is “grave”.



This distinguishes it from a crisis or an “ordinary” emergency. It must be serious in nature, scale or magnitude.



It is difficult to find a single rational argument to support a case that there is a “grave emergency” today in Malaysia for whatever reason. Covid-19 has been with us since January. When it suits this government, it has boasted about how well they combated and contained the spread of Covid-19.



And they have objective grounds to make this claim, having regard to the performance of other countries. Hence, on a relative and comparative scale, Malaysia has handled Covid-19 well.



But the same government cannot then claim that overnight, Covid-19 has became so “threatening” that we have a “grave emergency”. However, terrible Covid-19 is in Sabah, it does not warrant the declaration of a national emergency.



Although Covid-19 is the publicly stated reason, none of us are fooled. The true reason is that this prime minister is not confident that the Budget of his finance ministry will be passed by the Dewan Rakyat when voted upon in early December.



That would result in a lack of confidence in his government. They must resign then. Hence, the real reason is to ensure the survival of the prime minister in office. You reap what you sow. If you assumed power without being elected by the people of Malaysia, the same fate awaits you. You cannot stay in power by stopping others from aping you.



That sums up the so-called case for an emergency. It is so self-serving that constitutionally, the prime minister is conflicted in seeking a proclamation of Emergency solely to stay in office. His private interests are in conflict with his public duty.



Let me briefly consider the three pre-conditions in Article 150(1): security, economic life or public order. It is impossible for the prime minister to argue that the security of Malaysia is in any way affected by whether he continues to remain in office.



Likewise, public order. That leaves “economic life”. This precondition has no application. Note that “health” is not a ground. This is hardly surprising. Nations have over centuries been affected by plague, tuberculosis, the Spanish flu and other contagious diseases. But they do not justify a national emergency.



Ample public health and sanitisation measures can be put in place under the ordinary laws of the land, without resorting to emergency powers. In these circumstances, there are no legal grounds for the proclamation of Emergency in Malaysia today. It would therefore be unconstitutional.



Although an ouster clause is found in Article 150 (8), having regard to the development of constitutional law in seminal cases like Indira Gandhi and Semenyih Jaya, it can certainly been argued that the courts can review a decision to declare emergency.



Nearly half a century ago, the Teh Cheng Poh case considered the limits of the power of the Executive to declare emergencies. A recent foreign example is illustrative of the worldwide trend in common law: the Brexit decision of the Supreme Court in the United Kingdom.

In my opinion, a proclamation of Emergency in present circumstances is justiciable before our courts.


A supreme irony is that the prime minister and his finance minister desire Parliament to be suspended, and for the Budget to be enforceable by executive action. This again would be unconstitutional because it would violate 3 sub-articles in Article 150 itself. Thus, Article 150(3) requires the proclamation to be laid before both Houses of Parliament.

More significantly, the proclamation shall cease to have effect if resolution is passed by both Houses “annulling such proclamation”. Article 150(5) provides that while a proclamation is in force, “Parliament may make laws if it appears to Parliament the law is required.”

Finally, Article 150(9) states that the Houses of Parliament should be regarded as sitting “only if the members of each House are respectively assembled together and carrying out the business of the House”.

It is plain and obvious that proclaiming an emergency does not have the intended result. Parliament continues to perform its duties. Hence, the Dewan Rakyat should sit in the normal way for the important budget session in early November, as scheduled.

One would expect the finance minister, as an ex-banker, to advise his prime minister of the grave consequences to the economy if emergency is declared. The rating agencies will immediately down-grade our ratings, which mean that borrowing costs will become more expensive, and perhaps even more difficult.

The share market will plunge, the ringgit will plummet and business confidence shattered. All these predictable consequences would be self-inflicted solely to allow one man to remain as prime minister. Hence the “economic life” of Malaysia demands no emergency. Period.

For all these reasons, I implore the prime minister to withdraw this option. Rather, the problem is created by the 222 MPs. The solution therefore lies in their hands.

If that means, the prime minister and his political opponents have to spend next week horse-trading and bargaining for inclusion in a true unity government, they must undertake that with a spirit of consensus and compromise.

The people of Malaysia, whom you are supposed to represent, are absolutely disgusted with the present state of affairs. The last thing we want is a national emergency caused solely by the ambitions and greed of politicians.





Source: Free Malaysia Today

KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 24 — Muar MP Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman today pleaded with the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government to not suspend Parliament by way of an emergency declaration.

Taking to Twitter, the first-term MP and former youth and sports minister said that he wants to raise several pertinent issues in the originally scheduled November 2 sitting.

“Please don’t suspend Parliament. We are a democratic nation. I want to raise many issues in Parliament. I am paid to do my job,” he said.


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US coronavirus cases have hit a record daily high as states grapple with a renewed wave of infections.

Citing data from local state health authorities, the Covid Tracking Project reported 83,010 new cases on Friday.

US Surgeon General Jerome Adams has warned that hospital admission numbers are growing, but mortality rates are falling due to better patient care.

It comes as pharma giants AstraZeneca and Johnson & Johnson resume US vaccine trials after approval from regulators.

The World Health Organization (WHO) has also warned that countries in the Northern Hemisphere are at a "critical juncture".

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